What exactly is the point of curating an art show centered around themes of privacy and surveillance? “Public, Private, Secret,” a new exhibit at New York’s International Center of Photography, unintentionally raises this question. Unfortunately, it does not provide a lot of answers.
“Public, Private, Secret” conflates seeing, selfies, and spying, attempting to connect dots between Kim Kardashian’s photos of herself and a Trevor Paglen piece that stitches together 400 photos of a Chelsea Manning courtroom drawing. It brings together collages of found webcam footage and paparazzi photos, as well as portraits of intimacy and vulnerability, like a young girl crying alone in her room. There are vintage 35mm photos of anonymous family parties and aggregated photos of the Boston Marathon bombing manhunt. There are Sojourner Truth’s posed portraits, captioned, “I sell the shadow to support the substance.”
These present a lot of perspectives on privacy, voyeurism, celebrity culture, state surveillance, and over-sharing. Many are thought-provoking, and much of the work is good, but it’s too much to unpack all at once. The show aims to comment on “how contemporary self-identity is now indelibly shaped by public visibility and the image we construct of ourselves for dissemination,” according to its intro text. That is an almost meaningless framework in 2016. It goes on to say the exhibit aims to “deepen our awareness of the issues that surround our contemporary sense of privacy” — but while this is a useful prompt, the curation is so vague that any overarching sense of purpose gets lost.
On the first of the show’s two floors, nearly half the space is given to an empty room of mirrors separating two galleries of video. Natalie Bookchin collages YouTube video diaries into musical, collective portraits on themes like unemployment. Martine Syms’s Lessons uses found footage to comment on black identity. They are both very compelling. But then hanging on a nearby wall is a random bit of text reminding you you’re being filmed by CCTV cameras, that this film can be used “for any purpose whatsoever in connection with this exhibit, without payment to you, in any and all media, through the universe and in perpetuity.” It seems gimmicky and misplaced, lacking imagination and depth.
The lower floor is disorienting, crammed with photos, videos, and live social media streams aiming to contextualize modern privacy issues with the history of images, all of it focused on watching and being watched. But it relies too much on the viewer to decipher the themes and home in on any sort of narrative. A 1979 Cindy Sherman photograph is hung next to a clip of the Kardashian selfies and Andy Warhol polaroids. A video of a performance artist who put herself on American Idol is amusing, but out of place. Just as a cohesive narrative around voyeurism is starting to take shape, the show sharply turns toward unidentified 1950s mugshots of Mexican prisoners. It’s interesting to think about how our historical obsession with celebrities predates the heavily mediated and data-mined word we live in now. It’s important to highlight how photography facilitates state monitoring. But the abrupt sequencing is a disservice to both points.
The strangest entries are the themed screens scattered around the exhibition projecting the real-time results of random Twitter searches. “Creators” shows a stream of images programmed to aggregate accounts of selected social media stars. “The Other” aggregates searches for “seeking this person” and “trying to identify.” The results are underwhelming, and on one of my visits, the screens were actually malfunctioning. What’s worse, the pieces were curated by Mark Ghuneim, former head of Twitter’s “Curator” feature and founder of Trendrr, a social-media tracking service. It’s an uncomfortable melding of the corporate world with art, which should interrogate those systems of power.
A sense of opposition is present elsewhere, though, and it is refreshing. The exhibit’s most impressive corner contains a few pieces demonstrating how photography can serve as an intervention to surveillance, how the medium can push back against the culture of mass spying that we live in. “Facial Weaponization Suite” by Zach Blas feels like a radical inclusion, an activist project of masks that are undetectable by facial recognition technologies. The accompanying video, Facial Weaponization Communiqué: Fag Face (2012), is a fun and instructive overview of facial recognition software and its political implications. Other work in this corner of the exhibit includes Paglen’s massive and moving work on Chelsea Manning, as well as Adam Broomberg and Oliver Chanarin’s portraits made from Russian state-developed facial recognition software.
These pieces do something that all art about privacy should: They subvert the mechanisms in order to offer a creative response. They communicate what news reports cannot and help us see and feel what’s often invisible. The recent exhibition at the Whitney Museum by Laura Poitras (a co-founding editor of The Intercept) had a narrower focus on post-9/11 America and did this. It was also image-focused but felt emotional and human.
Photography and video are powerful mediums for these sorts of topics. They are inherently entwined in tools of surveillance, but they allow artists to play with and document surveillance. Photography can really make us think about the meaning of privacy, and the best work in “Public, Private, Secret” proves that to be true. But the exhibit, trying to say everything, doesn’t say much.
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The post How an Art Exhibit on Surveillance Says Too Little by Showing Too Much appeared first on The Intercept.
Era uma vez uma cidade que sediou as Olimpíadas. O símbolo desta cidade era uma grande estátua branca construída no alto de uma montanha, e suas praias eram incríveis. Mas esse maravilhoso lugar também tinha problemas. Seus governantes e empresários aproveitaram as obras bilionárias das Olimpíadas para montar um grande esquema de corrupção e enriquecimento ilícito. O nome dessa cidade é… Olympia!
Lançado no último dia 15, o longa Olympia fala dos esquemas de corrupção por trás dos Jogos Olímpicos de uma cidade extremamente parecida com o Rio de Janeiro. Os personagens da trama também têm histórias com versões curiosamente semelhantes às de políticos e empresários brasileiros que conhecemos.
Mas, afinal, é um documentário ou uma ficção? Olympia mistura cenas documentais de entrevistas com especialistas em direito, auditoria, urbanismo e ética a uma narrativa ficcional que intencionalmente ofusca a linha entre episódios cariocas e os acontecimentos “fictícios”.
Seria uma estratégia para evitar processos? Ou talvez para não acabar como um dos 22 jornalistas brasileiros assassinados, desde 2010, por causa do seu trabalho? Nas próprias cenas do longa, o diretor Rodrigo Mac Niven, que também atua representando a si mesmo, diz que “Isso é um filme, não é uma investigação”. Discordo, mas entendo.
Se você já viu o filme e algo soou familiar, ou se não viu ainda, mas já está curioso para saber as tramas reais que têm tudo a ver com a ficção, preparamos uma lista para você:Giuseppa Bennati / Pasquale Mauro
Giuseppa Bennati, conhecida como a Rainha da Banana. Aos poucos, foi adquirindo terras na Barra do Bananal e se tornou a maior proprietária daquela área. A empresária virou o centro de uma das principais polêmicas imobiliárias da cidade, que envolve os preparativos para Copa do Mundo e as Olimpíadas.
No filme, Bennati é uma empresária de família italiana, que dirige a construtora “Cyrani” e tenta fazer um campo de golfe na “Barra do Bananal”. Mas seus negócios são embarreirados por uma promotora porque o terreno fica em Área de Proteção Ambiental (APA). A “Rainha da Banana” é acusada de conseguir os documentos de posse da área do tal campo de forma ilícita. A construção passa a ser viável com uma canetada jurídica.
Parece que já viu algo parecido em algum lugar?
A construtora Cyrela é dirigida pelo empresário octogenário italiano Pasquale Mauro, conhecido como “o Rei da Banana”. Ele ganhou o apelido ao se tornar um grande produtor da fruta do Rio de Janeiro, quando ainda tinha 20 anos.
Segundo uma reportagem do jornal O Globo, de junho de 2011, “virou o centro de uma das principais polêmicas imobiliárias da cidade desde que dois de seus terrenos entraram numa disputa que envolve os preparativos para a Copa do Mundo de 2014 e as Olimpíadas de 2016”.
Em 2006, sua empresa anunciou o lançamento do condomínio de luxo Riserva Uno localizado exatamente ao lado do terreno que hoje é o campo de golfe olímpico. A construção envolve questões jurídicas e ambientais porque tanto o condomínio quanto o campo de golfe estão localizados em terrenos que fizeram parte da APA do Marapendi. Foi a partir da criação da Lei Complementar Municipal nº 125/2013 que a prefeitura conseguiu excluir 58 mil metros quadrados da área de proteção ambiental, permitindo a construção do campo.
Em contrapartida, por usar parte do terreno de Pasquale para um “projeto ou ação de interesse público”, a prefeitura usou uma segunda lei, que trata de readequação do potencial construtivo. Assim, os projetos de construções a serem feitas nos terrenos do empresário puderam aumentar o gabarito de seis para 22 andares.
O Ministério Público do Rio recorreu, afirmando que não foram realizados estudos técnicos antes de se decidir pela diminuição da área preservada. Apesar de os promotores apresentarem provas técnicas apontando inadequações e inconstitucionalidade na lei, o projeto do campo seguiu em frente.Fernando Guerra / Eduardo Paes
E pior, Fernando Guerra autoriza a destruição de uma área de defesa ambiental, que era uma área pública, que valia mais de 300 milhões de reais, na beira da lagoa. Essa área mais verde aqui era uma unidade de conservação. Era um parque do município de Olympia. Literalmente, ele dá de graça esse parque municipal para Giuseppa Benatti para que ela destruísse isso tudo e isso fosse integrado ao campo de golfe.
No Rio de Janeiro, um episódio parecido. O prefeito Eduardo Paes encaminhou à Câmara dos Vereadores o projeto de lei que permitiu a redução da área de proteção ambiental para construção do campo de golfe olímpico, em 2012.
E aí que começa o terror do chamado Xerife da Barra e a caravana da legalidade. A Vila Autódromo já era alvo dele naquela época. Ele chega a ser acusado de ser o mandante do assassinato de um líder comunitário. Bizarro, essa história! Olha só as paradas que ele disse: ‘Vou passar o trator por cima de tudo, todas as casas serão removidas’.
Em 1993, Eduardo Paes foi nomeado subprefeito da Barra da Tijuca e de Jacarepaguá pelo então prefeito Cesar Maia. Dois anos depois, o jornal O Globo passou a veicular matérias falando sobre o trabalho do “Xerife” da Barra da Tijuca, elogiando principalmente iniciativas de “choque de ordem” estabelecidas por ele nas praias do bairro.
Naquele tempo, o “xerife” tinha dois alvos declarados: a comunidade do Marapendi e a Vila Autódromo. Ele chegou a dizer que “as pessoas que invadirem serão surpreendidas por tropas de choque, tratores e o que for preciso”.
Em 1993, Paes foi acusado de ser mandante do assassinato do presidente da Associação de Moradores da Vila Autódromo, José Alves de Souza, conhecido como Tenório. Na mesma semana, as investigações apontaram para um ex-policial que havia sido afastado da corporação por envolvimento com grupos de extermínio. Notícias da época, que não revelam o nome do acusado, colocavam o assassinato na conta de traficantes.
À época, a ONU chegou a abrir um inquérito para apurar as mortes de lideranças de comunidades, concentradas justamente na Barra da Tijuca.
Mentiram aqui desde o início na Vila Autódromo e continuam mentindo. Olha a cobertura de mídia que esse cara teve. Editoriais elogiando o Xerife.
O único adversário à altura que conseguiu ficar em seu caminho foi Leonel Brizola, morto em 2004, duas vezes governador do Rio de Janeiro. Foi durante seu governo que as famílias da Vila Autódromo conquistaram a titularidade das terras. Brizola chegou a convocar a Polícia Militar para proteger a população, combatendo as remoções forçadas da prefeitura se fosse necessário. Mas não durou muito. O político gaúcho se afastou do cargo em 1994, apenas um ano após Paes se tornar subprefeito da Barra.João Nasser / Cesar Maia
Em 93, ele (Guerra) lidera a juventude João Nasser. E quando o João Nasser foi eleito, ele foi nomeado subprefeito da Barra do Bananal.
A ficção nos remete ao Rio de Janeiro de 1992. Quem criou o cargo de subprefeito foi o então prefeito Cesar Maia, que deu o distintivo a cinco pessoas, cada uma com uma região da cidade. Paes ficou com a Barra da Tijucae se tornou um dos vários “prefeitinhos” que cresceram na vida política.
Antes disso, porém, Paes fez parte da “Juventude Cesar Maia”, um grupo de capacitação de quadros políticos, do qual participaram políticos como Índio da Costa, hoje candidato à prefeitura do Rio de Janeiro pelo PSD.Julio Amaral / Sérgio Cabral
Depois, ele e Nasser brigam e ele cola no Amaral. Sobre o ex-governador Amaral eu não preciso falar nada, né. O cara tá cheio de processo nas costas. A Operação Traíra já chegou no nome dele faz tempo. Vocês lembram da turma do guardanapo, construtora Beta? Todos os contratos da Beta eram com os governos, principalmente, aqui em Olympia, com o Amaral.
Na vida como ela é, depois de atuar ao lado de Cesar Maia, Eduardo Paes rompe com o padrinho e une-se a Sérgio Cabral, que responde a um processo na justiça por incentivos fiscais e corre o risco de ter que ressarcir os cofres públicos.
Fotos do ex-governador se divertindo em Paris ao lado de Fernando Cavendish, empresário ex-dono da empreiteira, com guardanapos na cabeça foram veiculadas em 2012. Cavendish foi preso em junho, acusado de envolvimento em um esquema de lavagem de R$ 370 milhões desviados dos cofres públicos.Aloísio Trindade / Ricardo Teixeira
O prefeito foi estagiário do Aloísio Trindade, na IBF. Preciso dizer mais o quê? Aliás, eu nem preciso, você viu o discurso que ele fez na câmara, em defesa do Trindade… Esse Trindade foi acusado pelo departamento de justiça dos Estados Unidos, acusado de corrupção.
Já quando a vida imita a arte, temos: “Tenho o prazer de dizer que um dos meus primeiros empregos foi como estagiário da CBF”, disse Eduardo Paes ao lançar a pedra fundamental da nova sede da Confederação Brasileira de Futebol. O presidente da confederação, então, era Ricardo Teixeira.
Em 2010, Teixeira foi homenageado na Câmara Municipal do Rio, com direito a um discurso comovente do prefeito, que afirma ter “a honra de ter sido estagiário do Ricardo Teixeira”. Atualmente, o cartola é acusado pelo FBI por corrupção. Na ocasião, Paes cumprimenta também Luiz Zveiter, a quem chama de “meu querido amigo”.Juarez Carrilho / Jorge Picciani
A família Carrilho domina o estado e também faz negócios com a prefeitura. Juarez Carrilho, o presidente da Câmara, ele é chamado de Don Corleone do estado. E os filhos dele, todos aqui: líder de partido na Câmara, Secretário Municipal de Transporte, o filho mais novo.
No Rio de Janeiro, temos algo parecido. O Presidente da Câmara dos Deputados do estado, Jorge Picciani, é o patriarca de uma família de políticos e costuma ser associado ao protagonista do filme O Poderoso Chefão. Além de político, ele é dono de uma empresa do ramo pecuário, acusada de envolvimento com empreiteiras citadas na Operação Lava Jato.
Mas esse é apenas um dos negócios da família. O patrimônio dos Picciani, segundo declarado em 2014, era de R$27 milhões. Seus filhos Leonardo e Rafael seguiram carreira política, Felipe é executivo do ramo pecuarista. O caçula tem apenas cinco anos.João Carrilho / Rafael Picciani
O secretário municipal de transporte é filho do dono da empresa que fornece brita para as obras Transolímpica e Parque Olímpico.
Tupinambá! Foi criada semanas depois do anúncio do Parque Olímpico.
Tupinambá, é! As grandes empreiteiras que viram nos Jogos a oportunidade de entrar nos ganhos olímpicos.
Na dinastia real, Rafael Picciani foi Secretário Municipal de Transportes do Rio, cargo que deixou para assumir a Secretaria Executiva de Coordenação de Governo, em junho. Ele substituiu, Pedro Paulo, licenciado do cargo para se candidatar à prefeitura do Rio, o candidato de Paes.
Apesar de agir no ramo pecuarista, a empresa da família Picciani possui ações da mineradora Tamoio, fornecedora de brita para os canteiros do Parque Olímpico e da Transolímpica. A compra das ações, no entanto, envolve um defunto: Joaquim Vivas Caravellas era o dono das 100 ações, compradas um ano e cinco meses após sua morte.Evandro Barroso / Vanildo Pereira
Evandro é auditor da receita federal. Atuou no departamento de grandes corporações, companhias telefônicas, bancos… No ano de 1999 a 2000 ele fez uma auditoria num grande banco. E ele recebeu de propina mais de US$ 5 milhões que foram depositados na Ilhas Virgens Britânicas em nome de uma empresa chamada Blundy participações. Na verdade, o Lousa estava vendendo para ele uma ideia de se tornar o novo dono da Barra do Bananal, o novo rei da Barra.
Fora das salas de cinema, em 2006, o auditor da Receita Federal Vanildo Pereira da Silva afirmava ter comprado um terreno na Barra da Tijuca por R$ 10 milhões e chegou a travar uma guerra judicial com Pasquale Mauro, que também reivindicava a posse. A disputa nos tribunais foi até o Conselho Nacional de Justiça, onde o ministro Joaquim Barbosa negou o recurso.
A compra teria sido feita pela empresa de Silva, a já dissolvida Elmway Investments Limited, uma offshore nas Ilhas Cayman de que Silva era sócio e que tinha sede nas Ilhas Virgens Britânicas. Segundo uma notícia da época, veiculada no jornal O Globo, a compra do terreno foi bloqueada porque Vanildo estava sendo investigado por lavagem de dinheiro.Leonardo Beza / Luiz Zveiter
Há cinco anos, a Cyrani começou a erguer um condomínio de luxo em Olympia, num terreno cuja titularidade estava sendo discutida na Justiça. No meio do imbróglio, um dos sócios da Cyrani num negócio apelou para o amigo Beza. Ao julgar o recurso, o desembargador não só deixou de se declarar impedido, como produziu uma defesa eloquente da Cyrani, tal qual um advogado da empresa faria.
No longa, Leonardo Beza é um desembargador que advoga em favor da Cyrani. Já nas páginas dos jornais, uma outra coincidência: o Conselho Nacional de Justiça até hoje não pautou o julgamento do Processo Administrativo Disciplinar (PAD) aberto contra o desembargador Luiz Zveiter, acusado de favorecer a Cyrela no processo que determinou sua posse sobre o terreno do condomínio.Marcus Masoli / Carlos Carvalho
E isso inclui a Masoli&Houser, né, é claro.
Fiquei sabendo que a Masoli&Houser só entrou no consórcio porque o prefeito pediu.
Ela também recebeu mais de um bilhão de reais de empréstimo de um banco público para a construção da Vila dos Atletas.
Como a realidade parece superar a ficção, o consórcio do Parque Olímpico também envolve a construtora Carvalho Hosken. Seu dono é o bilionário Carlos Carvalho, o atual “dono da Barra”, apontado como o verdadeiro detentor do legado —financeiro— das Olimpíadas.
A prefeitura do Rio modificou o projeto do parque para beneficiar Carvalho e as demais empresas participantes do consórcio, que disputou sozinho a concorrência da parceria público-privada (PPP) responsável pela execução da obra.
Ilha Pura, a Vila dos Atletas das Olimpíadas de 2016, também está entre os empreendimentos realizados nas terras do Dono da Barra, que totalizam 10 milhões de metros quadrados. Para a obra da vila, a Caixa Econômica Federal liberou um empréstimo de R$ 2 bilhões para as construtoras Carvalho Hosken e Odebrecht.Paulo Passos / Pedro Paulo
O próximo da vez, Paulo Passos. Vocês sabem como ele surgiu? Administrador do Autódromo de Olympia. Gente, administrador de um mausoléu, aquilo não existe. Aí depois o prefeito vai e cria uma secretaria para nomeá-lo secretário de alguma coisa. Ninguém nunca tinha nem ouvido falar desse cara.
Pedro Paulo é um investimento antigo do prefeito carioca. Ele começou a vida pública após aceitar o convite de Eduardo Paes para ser administrador do Autódromo de Jacarepaguá em 1995. Vinte anos depois, em 2005, Eduardo Paes cria a Secretaria Executiva de Coordenação de Governo e o convida para liderar a pasta. Depois de seguir os passos de Paes na subprefeitura da Barra, hoje é candidato à Prefeitura do Rio de Janeiro.Jean Carlos Novaes
Na vida real e no filme, Jean é a mesma pessoa. Advogado especializado em direito imobiliário, foi contratado pela Elmway para fazer um estudo sobre a questão fundiária na Barra da Tijuca. Porém, a empresa faliu depois de uma guerra judicial pelo terreno.
Ele mesmo explica: “Fui apenas um consultor jurídico que fez um parecer sobre a área e que, por não ter sido remunerado, pediu a falência da empresa em vista de ter constatado a dilapidação de seu patrimônio”.
Jean e o diretor Mac Niven são os únicos personagens da parte ficcional que interpretam a si mesmos. Quanto aos outros personagens, qualquer semelhança com a realidade pode ser considerada mera coincidência. Ou seria uma forma de evitar processos? E todos —os envolvidos no esquema— foram felizes para sempre.
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The post A curiosa semelhança entre casos cariocas e as histórias do novo “docuficção” Olympia appeared first on The Intercept.
deutsch.rt.com 14.09.2016 •
Während Großbritannien die Flucht aus der EU angetreten hat und andere Länder zumindest darüber diskutieren, fordern Frankreich und Deutschland die Beschleunigung der militärischen Integration innerhalb der Staatengemeinschaft.
Pierre Lévy, Paris
Der Weg dorthin könnte dennoch mit Steinen gesät sein. Es ist nämlich überhaupt nicht gesagt, dass ein militärisches Säbelrasseln – auch wenn es sich auf den Vorwand „erhöhter Sicherheit“ stützt – tatsächlich helfen würde, um sich zunehmend gegen die europäische Integration sträubende Völker umzustimmen. Ganz im Gegenteil weckt der Gedanke an eine Armee Brüssels eine Reihe von Ängsten, insbesondere vor dem Hintergrund zunehmender politischer Spannungen in Europa.
Viele Befürworter der EU haben das Streben nach möglichst viel “vereintem Europa” lange Zeit damit gerechtfertigt, dass die Notwendigkeit bestehe, “den Vereinigten Staaten etwas entgegenzusetzen”. Gerade jetzt stellt sich jedoch heraus, dass das aktuelle französisch-deutsche Projekt bereits im Juli am Rande des Warschauer NATO-Gipfels ausgearbeitet wurde.
Gegenüber Reuters meinte die deutsche Verteidigungsministerin von der Leyen zur Begründung für den Vorstoß:
“Es ist das, was die Amerikaner von uns erwarten.”
Auch wenn diese Aussage jetzt nicht alle Kritiker beruhigen mag, so verschafft sie zumindest doch Klarheit.
Ganzer Artikel hier: https://deutsch.rt.com/europa/40664-bundeswehr-amerikaner-erwarten-es-von/
Im polnischen 500 Seelen-Ort Redzikowo entsteht eines der größten Militärprojekte Europas. Die US-amerikanischen Streitkräfte bauen zusammen mit Polen einen Raketenabwehrschirm. Als Vorwand dient die Gefahr aus dem Iran. Viele Bürger glauben aber nicht an diese Begründung.
Zudem wird die Regierung kritisiert, da das Projekt hinter verschlossenen Türen ausgehandelt wurde. RT Deutsch bietet exklusive Einblicke in eine Region, deren Bürgen besorgt und verunsichert sind. Werden sie zukünftig das Erstschlagziel sein, sollte es zu einem Krieg kommen?
Ahead of this weekend’s elections in Russia to choose deputies for the Duma, the lower house of parliament, one young candidate for an ultra-nationalist party is going all out to associate herself with three politicians revered by the Russian version of the alt-right: Vladimir Putin, Marine Le Pen and Donald Trump.
Maria Katasonova, 21, who is running to represent the nationalist party Rodina, or Motherland, made her name as a leader of the National Liberation Movement, a far-right group that supports Russian-backed separatists in Ukraine, and attacks anti-Putin dissidents for lacking in patriotism.
This week, she shared an image of herself on social networks, wearing camouflage and saluting alongside painted images of Putin, Le Pen and Trump in their younger days. The poster was captioned, “Nobody but us!” which is the motto of the Russian Airborne Troop.
??? ?????????: pic.twitter.com/oJPj0EPyme
— ????? ?????????? (@KatasonovaMaria) September 14, 2016
It was not the first time Katasonova suggested that she would make common cause with the three figures. Last month on Facebook, she shared a painting of herself with them, hinting that she sees herself as a member of a global movement of white, and blond, nationalists.
To that end, Katasonova has repeatedly stressed her credentials as a Trump supporter, and an equally fierce Clinton hater.
4 ??????.. pic.twitter.com/ryRTxk7mna
— ?????????? ????? (@rykov) September 16, 2016
— Julia Ioffe (@juliaioffe) August 26, 2016
At one campaign appearance last month, the candidate staged a one-woman protest outside the American embassy in Moscow, holding up a sign with images of Clinton and Trump above the words War and Peace.
1. The hope for global peace.
Stop the arms race and lower geopolitical tension. Jointly with Russia and other countries put all effort into stopping the current military conflicts and preventing new ones. Create a new world security system in the conditions of a multipolar world.
2. The hope for genuine war on terror.
Combine the efforts with other countries in the war on terror. Discontinue the practice of supporting any radical groups for achieving political goals. Terrorists must not be distinguished as good or bad ones. All terrorists must be eliminated, no exceptions.
3. The hope for fair retaliation.
Investigate the military and political crimes committed by Hillary Clinton and the Obama administration. The Arab Spring, destabilization and murderous terror in the Middle East were initiated by Hillary Clinton and the Obama administration. Impunity produces permissiveness.
4. The hope for discontinuation of organizing coups and removing unwanted regimes.
Discontinue the practice of organizing and supporting coups in other countries. Interfering in the affairs of other countries brings not the promised freedom and economic prosperity, but plunges territory into “controlled chaos.” The people in any country should decide their fate independently, without support from the outside.
5. The hope for protecting sport from politics.
The recent Olympics in Rio has become a terrible example of politics interfering in sport. Russian sportsmen, including the paralympic, were subjected to unfair discrimination, and the viewers were deprived of truly spectacular struggle for medals. If such practice continues, then sport will cease uniting mankind altogether.
6. The hope for a new global idea.
Humanity needs not the spreading of democracy and tolerance at all costs, but global unifying ideas. Common dreams and cooperation are better than any conflicts. The world needs an inspiring ideology, for example, combining the efforts of science to defeat incurable illnesses.
7. And the main hope is that Trump won’t change his course in case he is elected President.
From Russia with hope
Katasonova’s demonstration of support for Trump was preceded, the month before, by a show of disdain for Clinton at the same location. For that solo protest, she wore a “Crooked Hillary” T-shirt to the embassy, and held aloft a sign that read: “Global Terrorism: The Result of Clinton’s Policy #StopHillary.”
As Jill Dougherty reported for CNN, a second sign, in Russian, blamed Clinton for starting a “New Cold War.” That sign also featured another word, Peregruzka, or “overcharged.” Wrongly thinking the word meant “reset,” American officials had it printed on a large, red novelty button that Clinton, as Secretary of State, presented to her counterpart, Sergey Lavrov, as a goodwill gesture at their first meeting in 2009.
Katasonova also issued a 7-point statement to explain that protest, posting it on Facebook, titled “7 sins of Hillary Clinton: An appeal to the American people.”
“In Russia, all hope is on Trump, because with Hillary it is the dictatorship of force,” Katasonova told CNN in July. “She’s used to solving every problem with force. It’s crazy! But Trump, we hope he is a qualified person, a person who is ready to talk, to compromise.”
Katasonova’s Twitter feed, meanwhile, is filled with anti-Clinton videos and images borrowed from from the alt right, which has earned her the admiration of American white supremacists and extreme nationalists from other parts of Europe, like Nick Griffin, a former leader of the racist British National Party.
??????? ???????? pic.twitter.com/xUBtuCilLK
— ????? ?????????? (@KatasonovaMaria) September 12, 2016
? ?????? ?????? ??????? ??????? ?????????? ??? ????? ????????? ???: pic.twitter.com/hMvEXEUF1x
— ????? ?????????? (@KatasonovaMaria) September 12, 2016
— We Make Blond Babies (@MelGibson4Pres) September 3, 2016
Brilliant, devastating cartoon. Ding dong, the witch is (nearly) dead! https://t.co/cAWVMfMYAx
— Nick Griffin (@NickGriffinBU) September 12, 2016
Before her embrace of Trump earned her attention from the international media, Katasonova was best known for her elaborate trolling of anti-Putin activists.
For a video Christmas card in 2015, she dressed in winter camouflage and promised that the separatists would achieve victory in Ukraine. And if not, she added, “we will destroy the whole world” in a nuclear holocaust.
Katasonova has also helped lead demonstrations in favor of the Russian intervention in Syria, and helped a British video blogger mock supporters of the murdered Russian dissident Boris Nemtsov on the bridge near the Kremlin where he was assassinated last year.
Russian pro-regime activist Maria Katasonova with Syrian ambassador to Moscow at Putin-Assad support rally pic.twitter.com/TvmdQUjDWF
— Ola Cichowlas (@olacicho) October 1, 2015
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Foi necessária a morte de um ator global para as autoridades se preocuparem com os impactos da Usina Hidrelétrica do Xingó no Rio São Francisco, em operação desde 1994. O ator Domingos Montagner morreu afogado na última quinta-feira, quando mergulhou nas proximidades da Usina Hidrelétrica de Xingó, em Sergipe.
Já se sabia que a forte correnteza da região onde Montagner mergulhou era provocada pela vazão da usina. A operadora da usina, no entanto, ainda não tornou público o nível de vazão da água, portanto ainda não está claro se houve uma alteração do fluxo no dia do acidente.
A Prainha de Canindé do São Francisco fica a aproximadamente 2 km abaixo da barragem. No entanto, ao contrário das regiões litorâneas, onde há sinalização sobre as correntes, os rios não possuem informações o suficiente para os mergulhadores.
Foi o impacto na corrente, provocado por uma usina hidrelétrica, que fez com que os indígenas Juruna da Volta Grande — que moram logo abaixo da barragem Pimental, do Complexo Belo Monte, no Pará — perdessem barcos e não deixassem mais as crianças brincarem sozinhas na beira do rio.
Eles têm medo das “tsunamis artificiais”, explica Brent Millikan, especialista em barragens e diretor da empresa International Rivers no Brasil: “Os Juruna falaram isso, que não parece mais um rio, parece maré, sobe e desce. Só que maré tem hora certa de subir e descer, e o rio agora, não. Ele sobe e desce a qualquer hora”.
Segundo o pesquisador, “deveria haver um sistema de comunicação para todo mundo que vive rio abaixo (sobre as alterações na vazão das hidroelétricas) —índios, banhistas, turistas— mas isso não existe”.
Em entrevista ao programa Mais Você, o comandante do 9º Grupamento de Bombeiros Militar (GBM) de Alagoas, tenente-coronel Carlos Burity, disse na sexta-feira, 16, que será necessário rever as estratégias de trabalho em áreas turísticas, como é o caso de Prainha, para evitar afogamentos. Segundo ele, o rio mudou depois das construções das usinas de Paulo Afonso, no Alto Sertão da Bahia, e da hidrelétrica de Xingó.
De acordo com a vazão da usina de Xingó, a velocidade da água —que já costuma ser acelerada — aumenta, tornando-se difícil até mesmo para as embarcações que transitam no local. No início deste ano, um adolescente morreu afogado ao passar de barco na mesma região de Montagner.Operadora não revela dados sobre a vazão
A Companhia Hidro Elétrica do São Francisco (CHESF), operadora da usina do Xingó, informou que “não houve alteração na vazão” durante o dia do acidente, mas não deu informações detalhadas, porque — conflituosamente — também afirma que está “levantando os dados para a confirmação” dessa mesma informação.
No início do ano, uma liminar elevou a vazão mínima do reservatório para 900 metros cúbicos por segundo, justamente para manter o nível do rio e diminuir o impacto das fortes alterações da vazão. Mas a CHESF recorreu, e o impasse sobre o nível mínimo segue, sendo o indicado pelo IBAMA de 1300 metros cúbicos por segundo.
Conforme o relato do delegado Antônio Francisco Oliveira Filho, que colheu depoimento da atriz Camila Pitanga, que estava com Montagner no momento do acidente,”os dois entraram na água, e a correnteza ficou forte de repente. Camila nadou rápido e conseguiu abraçar uma pedra. Ela chegou ver o Domingos nadar contra a correnteza, mas ele cansou e afundou”.
O professor Jorge Henrique Prodanoff, do departamento de Recursos Hídricos e Meio Ambiente da escola politécnica da Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, explica que mudanças na potência das hidrelétricas acontecem por todo o país.
De acordo com o horário de pico no uso da rede de energia, as hidrelétricas podem incluir mais uma turbina para fornecer mais energia, o que aumenta a correnteza rio abaixo. Isso é feito para atender a um pedido do Operador Nacional do Sistema (ONS).
Segundo o professor, isso explica os casos de índios que perdem seus barcos, ou de regiões onde as crianças não podem mais brincar, porque o rio pode aumentar a correnteza e a profundidade inesperadamente. No entanto, para o professor, “mesmo que tenha a hidrelétrica, a responsabilidade não pode ser colocada na operadora”. Para ele: “Bastou ver o lugar onde eles estavam nadando para entender. O meio do rio é sempre de corrente mais forte, ainda mais se for pedregoso. É um ponto proibitivo do rio. Eles deveriam ter perguntado antes de mergulhar, qualquer morador saberia informar isso a ele.”Montagner não foi o primeiro
Quando se começou a falar sobre o projeto da usina hidrelétrica de Belo Monte, no Pará, índios e especialistas manifestaram preocupação com os impactos ambientais que a usina poderia ter. A questão é a mesma que envolve as fortes correntezas que arrastaram Montagner: a barragem diminui a vazão do rio e o volume de água varia de forma abrupta, causando impactos ambientais.
Foi o que aconteceu na hidrelétrica de Lajeado, no rio Tocantins. A operadora aumentou a vazão para atender pedido do ONS, provocando uma piracema que levou à morte de toneladas de peixes. Quando os peixes, levados pela correnteza, chegaram ao muro de concreto da barragem, a operadora já tinha reduzido a vazão novamente. Os animais ficaram agonizando em poços de água quente até morrer.alerta do Batalhão de Polícia Militar Ambiental, feito em agosto, indica-se evitar inclusive as margens do rio, para evitar “risco associado à elevação do nível do rio, que pode ocorrer rapidamente”.
Casos parecidos, de forte correnteza que levaram a afogamentos, foram registrados em Rondônia, nas proximidades das usinas de Santo Antônio e Jirau; e na fronteira entre São Paulo e Minas Gerais, onde há a hidrelétrica de Marimbondo, no Rio Grande.
Em diversos casos, inclusive na região do acidente do ator Montagner, não havia salva-vidas ou sinalização no local. “É preciso investigar para saber (se houve alteração da vazão da hidrelétrica no dia) e, se esse for o caso, talvez pelo menos sirva para chamar a atenção e, quem sabe, evitar outras tragédias”, resume Millikan.
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On his last day at the helm of the largest police force in the country, Commissioner William Bratton ended his 46 years as a police officer with a parting thought: police reform will happen from within.
His words, coming at a time when the public’s confidence in the police officers sworn to protect them is at a historic low and when advocates in New York and across the country are demanding faster, more radical transformations to police departments, couldn’t have sounded more tone-deaf and reactionary.
In a New York Times op-ed he opened by billing himself a “reformer,” Bratton shut down the growing chorus of critics demanding more police regulation and oversight:
There are police reformers from outside the profession who think that changing police culture is a matter of passing regulations, establishing oversight bodies and more or less legislating a new order. It is not. Such oversight usually has only marginal impact. What changes police culture is leadership from within.
In other words, only cops can change cops. Except so far they haven’t.
“If police departments could reform themselves from within, we wouldn’t be in a national crisis of police abuse and lack of accountability of which New York is ground zero,” Monifa Bandele, a member of the New York-based Communities United for Police Reform, wrote in a statement to The Intercept. “He is no reformer but is part of the problem because of his inability to acknowledge the harm done by his policies and under his leadership, or have any perspective on experiences outside of his own.”
In New York City, the “leave police alone” approach has long been the operating principle, as police leaders have successfully fought off legislation aiming to regulate the department’s practices, or even just make it more transparent and accountable to the public.
As Bratton leaves office, New York is home to one of the most restrictive police secrecy laws in the country, making it nearly impossible to access officers’ disciplinary records — and identify where and how often the department has failed to do anything about misconduct.
A court-ordered body-camera program has been delayed since 2013.
And earlier this summer the New York City Council declined to consider a legislative proposal that could have made it mandatory for police officers to do something as basic as identify themselves and explain the reasons for a stop. The proposal, known as the Right to Know Act, was endorsed by some 200 community organizations — the police reformers Bratton thinks should let cops be cops.
In a backroom deal, Council Speaker Melissa Mark-Viverito reached a compromise with the NYPD to adopt some reforms as a matter of department policy rather than law. That’s also what happened with a proposal to decriminalize some petty offenses — object of the “broken windows policing” that’s been the signature of Bratton’s second mandate in New York. That, too, was reduced to a matter of police discretion rather than regulation, essentially leaving it up to cops to decide whether or not to “reform.”
As The Intercept has reported, reform that’s not legislated is essentially as good as no reform. The police chokehold that killed Eric Garner two summers ago was against the department’s policy — not against the law. And that wasn’t enough to keep officer Daniel Pantaleo from “walking around free as a bird today,” said Lumumba Bandele, another member of Communities United for Police Reform. (In fact, Pantaleo got a raise.)
In his op-ed, Bratton boasted of the reforms passed under his watch: new training, smarter technology, and a move towards community policing that critics have slammed as a feel-good term that’s just “smoke and mirrors” if it doesn’t come with exactly what Bratton doesn’t want: civilian oversight and real accountability.
Where more substantial reform did happen in recent years — most notably in a plunge in the NYPD’s hugely controversially “stop and frisk” practice — it did so on the orders of a federal judge and with the appointment of an independent monitor.
Certainly not from within.
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Vortrag und Diskussion
Update last Minute 22.9.16:
das Kulturreferat der Stadt München hat gestern dem EineWeltHaus untersagt, die Veranstaltung in seinen Räumlichkeiten stattfinden zu lassen.
"Die Veranstaltungsankündigung enthält Formulierungen, die in Richtung einer Delegitimierung Israels gehen. Dies legt nahe, dass in der Veranstaltung die Grenze zwischen Israelkritik und Antisemitismus überschritten wird. In städtischen Räumen sind solche Agitationen nicht zulässig.
Das Kulturreferat untersagt daher die Überlassung der städtischen Räume an den Verein Salam Shalom zur Durchführung der Veranstaltung."
Der Münchner Merkur hat heute bereits einen Artikel zu der Affäre veröffentlicht, (Leserbrief Jürgen Jung dazu auf Anfrage).
Der neue Ort der Veranstaltung ist das
HANSA-HAUS in der Briennerstr. 39 (19:30h)
Ein zahlreicher Besuch wäre - als Zeichen der Unterstützung und des Protestes - sehr willkommen.
Der hochgeachtete jüdische Politologe Alfred Grosser erklärte im Jahre 2007: „Die Politik Israels fördert den Antisemitismus.“ Wer sich so äußert, wird zumeist als Antisemit oder „jüdischer Selbsthasser“ diffamiert. Abi Melzer wird die Funktion dieses Vorwurfs zur Abwehr entschiedener Israelkritik sowie seine die Meinungsfreiheit hierzulande in Frage stellende Wirkung thematisieren. Es geht eben nicht um Kritik an „den Juden“ – eine Form des Rassismus -, sondern an der völkerrechtswidrigen Politik Israels und seiner sie rechtfertigenden zionistischen Ideologie. Die infame Gleichsetzung von Antisemitismus und Antizionismus ist der durchsichtige Versuch der Delegitimierung der Kritik des Zionismus, für den als Nationalismus das gilt, was Francois Mitterrand so ausgedrückt hat: „Nationalismus, das bedeutet Krieg.“ Der Zionismus war ja historisch eine Folge des Antisemitismus und bedarf seiner offensichtlich nach wie vor, um möglichst viele Juden zur Auswanderung nach Israel zu bewegen.Veranstalter: Salam Shalom AK e.V. Ort: HANSA-HAUS, Briennerstr. 39
Tina Glasgow will never forget one letter she received from her son, Kenny, when he was in an Alabama prison. It was 1994, the year of the crime bill, and Democrats and Republicans were outdoing each other to prove how harshly they could punish people like him. Kenny had started getting arrested for drugs when he was 14. “After he sealed the envelope, he marked it and said, ‘Do not open this envelope until I come home,’” she said. “He didn’t come home until 2001.” When Glasgow and her son finally opened the letter, it contained a “vision,” a plan to “clean up what he messed up.” But it was more than that. Kenny wanted to help the people he’d left behind, to show them that they had value and a role to play in society.
Today, Kenny is known as Pastor Kenneth Glasgow, the man behind The Ordinary People’s Movement (TOPS), in Dothan, Alabama. It is “an oasis,” as described by the writer and Drug Policy Alliance activist asha bandele; a place where community members and the formerly incarcerated come for housing and sustenance — not to mention the grassroots headquarters for “some of the most far-reaching drug policy and criminal justice changes in Alabama.” It’s because of Glasgow that state officials have been recently forced to follow the law where voting rights are concerned. For years, it was widely assumed that anyone convicted of a felony in Alabama lost the right to cast a ballot, at least until being released from prison. In reality, the law was narrower than that — only convictions “involving moral turpitude” could disqualify people from voting, yet the state didn’t bother to define which crimes fell into the category. Unbeknownst to them, thousands of incarcerated Alabamans still had the right to vote. “This is an issue that’s never come up before,” the state commissioner of corrections told the New York Times in a 2008 story on Glasgow. “I would think that if there were any latent feeling out there that they wanted to vote, they would have expressed it by now.”
Glasgow was one of roughly 500 people who convened in Oakland, California, last weekend for the first national conference of the Formerly Incarcerated, Convicted People, and Families Movement. Hailing from more than 30 states, it was a shared fact of life among participants that the change they need — including fundamental civil rights — will not simply be handed to them by people in power. They must fight for it themselves. This is the founding logic of FICPFM, led by a network of grassroots activists from across the country who have been beating back the tentacles of mass incarceration for years. With the national consciousness shifting around criminal justice reform — and the 1994 crime bill now acknowledged by the Clintons themselves to have gone too far — the FICPFM convention was a powerful testament to those who have been doing such work because their very lives depended on it, not because the political landscape suddenly allowed it.
The conference took place at the Oakland Airport Hilton, kicking off with a jubilant tribute to the founders of the FICPFM. Central among them was the “godfather of our movement,” Dorsey Nunn, co-founder of the California-based group All of Us or None. In 2011, Nunn joined Pastor Glasgow and others in Selma, Alabama, marching across the Edmund Pettus Bridge under the banner of the Formerly Incarcerated People’s Movement. Once serving a life sentence in California, Nunn is now widely recognized for his decades of activist work; he coined the term “Ban the Box,” a campaign to abolish barriers to employment for people with a criminal record, an idea embraced last year by Barack Obama. Last year, Nunn received a Champion of Change award from the White House.
The love for Nunn was palpable. “Dorsey! Dorsey! Dorsey!” the audience shouted during the opening plenary; an emotional Glasgow vowed never to let his name die. Glasgow also gave a special shout-out to his mother in the audience, affectionately known as Mama Tina, thanking her for supporting him throughout his incarceration, including even when she was forced to pawn her belongings to make ends meet. A standing ovation brought tears to her eyes. “I couldn’t help but cry when he was speaking,” she told me afterward. “Because I did not expect all of that back when I was praying for God to change his life.” Today, she urges people with a loved one in prison, “Don’t give up on them. A lot of people give up on them — especially if they commit a lot of crimes or have long sentences. Don’t ever give up on them. Because you never know what God’s gonna do.”
Tina is heartened by the recent embrace of criminal justice reform among mainstream politicians. But she is clear that it would never have happened without the work of those like Nunn and her own son, who fought for years before anyone in power listened. “I am 70 years old,” she says. “It should have been this way all the time.”Not Just Another Nonprofit
At a time when genteel, bipartisan criminal justice-themed summits seem to take place every day, the gathering in Oakland was decidedly militant by comparison. (“Building a Movement, Not Just Another Nonprofit,” read the slogan on pamphlets for All of Us or None.) Speakers identified themselves as prison abolitionists and anti-capitalists, many calling one another “comrade.” Coinciding with the 45th anniversary of the Attica uprising in New York — as well as a planned nationwide prison strike — a panel on September 9 focused on political prisoners, featuring people like Sekou Odinga, a Black Panther and member of the Black Liberation Army who helped break Assata Shakur from prison, later spending 30 years behind bars. It also included a powerful appearance by Angola 3 member Albert Woodfox, released in February of this year after surviving more than 43 years in solitary confinement, who began by saying, “All power to the people.” For their extraordinary biographies, however, panelists encouraged participants to broaden their idea of what constitutes a political prisoner. “When we’re sitting here in 2016 talking about our rights, that we are being denied the right to vote for political reasons, that you’re being [denied parole] for political reasons,” one speaker said, then what are you? “If we had the right to vote, imagine the political impact.”
In the room was a mix of young and old; veteran organizers and those finding their footing in activism. Twenty-five-year-old Robert Jones, who left prison in California just over a year ago, called himself a “third-generation convict” — his grandfather cycled in and out of prison and his dad “caught his first felony when he was 10,” he told me. After being homeless for a time, he’s back in school and still looking for the best way to break the cycle he was born into. For all the talk of voting rights, Jones said he recently quit his job with a get-out-the-vote group, largely out of frustration. “I would go to the local Walmart and I’m talking to people, and half the people I’m talking to in the parking lot are either on parole themselves — they can’t vote — they’re undocumented, or they’re strung out,” he said. “You talk to them about voting and they’re like, ‘What the fuck? That’s not gonna help me right now. I don’t have time for this. I got three kids I have to pick up, rent’s due — sorry, bye.’” Another young man, a founding member of the Black Lives Matter chapter in Long Beach, said he had recently been arrested at a protest; he wanted advice from the political prisoners on how to protect his generation of organizers, when “in the media they’re calling activists terrorists.”
The speakers weren’t the only ones with deep radical roots. An older woman named Sister Sheba knitted quietly throughout the panel, occasionally nodding in agreement. Later she told me she had been in prison herself, under the name Claudia Grayson, after operating the George Jackson People’s Free Health Clinic in Berkeley as a lieutenant in the Black Panther Party. Her daughter, now in her 40s, is named Attica. “I was like five months pregnant when I heard about the rebellion at Attica,” she recalled. “My daughter kicked the mess out of me and I was like, ‘OK, that’s your name!’”
Like many at the conference, Sister Sheba was magnanimous about the more mainstream energy rising up around criminal justice reform. “There’s always been more than one track in terms of fighting oppression,” she said, adding that it often comes down to people’s economic background. “You do need educated people who know the law to counteract the unfair laws,” she said. At the same time, you also need more confrontational activists, those who will say to people in power, “You can make a deal with us or you can make a deal with them — but you’re gonna deal with somebody.”Mixed Messages From the Obama Administration
It is emblematic of the power within the FICPFM that the Obama administration now finds itself dealing with so many of its members. In 2014, Pastor Glasgow, Dorsey Nunn, and six other formerly incarcerated activists who were present in Oakland last weekend — Daryl Atkinson, Susan Burton, Norris Henderson, Manuel LaFontaine, Glenn Martin, and Vivian Nixon — were invited to meet with senior staff to discuss the needs of people coming home from prison. Officially known as the Federal Interagency Reentry Council, its members sought their input as they laid their goals and strategies. As Pastor Glasgow told the crowd, “something transformed” that day. “In that meeting they didn’t see ex-felons no more. In that meeting they seen people who have been incarcerated. Experts by experience. Serving our country after serving our time.”
Such encounters have not all been smooth sailing — last year, Glenn Martin, founder of JustLeadershipUSA, wrote an open letter to President Obama describing the humiliation of having arrived at the White House after being invited for a policy discussion, only to be told by security that he needed a special escort. On stage, Martin said he had been encouraged by the response from the White House, which appeared to take his letter seriously. In particular, he lauded Assistant Attorney General Karol Mason — perhaps the most surprising speaker to appear in Oakland — for her work at the Department of Justice’s Office of Justice Programs to advance among her colleagues the “moral argument for why they needed to be more courageous before this administration ended.” In a Q&A with Martin, Mason described the work being done by the Reentry Council and others within the Obama administration, for example, a pilot program restoring Pell Grants to people in prison.
Mason, who worked in private practice in Atlanta for more than 25 years — she was the first black woman to make partner at her firm — worked to establish common ground with the crowd. She said she has cousins who have done time and referred to Nunn and his cohort as friends. But there were inevitable disconnects. A reference she made to the Broadway musical “Hamilton” fell flat — predictable in a room where many people needed financial assistance to make the trip. Concerns she expressed about “collateral consequences” clashed with the wider contention — often heard among radical activists — that the system is not “broken” but operating exactly as designed, marginalizing poor people and people of color. And as Mason described efforts by the Federal Bureau of Prisons to let people with children “still be parents when they’re incarcerated,” one woman yelled, “Don’t send them to prison!,” eliciting cheers.
There was plenty of awareness in Oakland that the Obama administration has been no model for human rights — from its deportation record to the treatment of Chelsea Manning, who was beginning a hunger strike as Mason addressed the audience in Oakland. At the same time, between the president’s historic visit to a federal prison to his ongoing clemency initiative, many criminal justice activists could not have imagined such moves from the White House just a few years ago. Certainly, Mason’s individual efforts at the DOJ suggest a personal commitment to the cause; it was she who directed her office earlier this year to stop using dehumanizing language like “felon,” “convict,” or “offender”; in the Washington Post, she described them as “useless and demeaning labels that freeze people in a single moment of time.” Such moves might seem purely symbolic or superficial, especially compared to concrete policy changes, but for groups like All of Us or None, language is a prime concern. Participants in Oakland repeatedly invoked the need to reject the well-meaning progressive term “returning citizen” for people who leave prison, since it erases the criminalization of noncitizens and undocumented people. The name “All of Us or None,” after all, is itself a commitment to leaving no one behind, to abolishing the misleading distinctions between “violent offenders” and “nonviolent offenders,” for example. It also means sticking up for the so-called “undeserving,” as one panel put it. “My son may not be going to get Skittles and iced tea,” Nunn said, invoking Trayvon Martin. “My son could be going to get a beer and a blunt — and he should still have the ability to make it home.”
In a sense, even Mason’s directive at the DOJ can be traced back to Attica, where the famed rallying cry was “We are MEN.” It was veteran activist Eddie Ellis, who was there in 1971 when the men inside the prison rose up, who decades later wrote an open letter rejecting labels like “felon” or “convict” and asking that society “simply refer to us as PEOPLE.” Ellis died in 2014; his named was invoked repeatedly in Oakland. As the conference came to a close, Glenn Martin described how he and the FICPFM stood on the shoulders of leaders like Ellis, who “had a vision for this and much more. Here it is, years later and he’s not here to see that.” To Martin, the gathering in Oakland is a pivotal moment for a movement that will continue to build no matter who is in the White House next year. As they showed the Obama administration during that critical meeting in 2014, “We didn’t need people to organize us, we needed resources. We were already organized.”
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Just seconds after Donald Trump appeared at his new hotel in Washington on Friday, it dawned on many of the reporters in the room and others watching the live coverage on every cable news channel that they had been conned.
When you sign into the WiFi at this Trump "press conference," immediately directed to book a room at his new hotel pic.twitter.com/bGkmkjdGzB
— Nick Corasaniti (@NYTnickc) September 16, 2016
Trump starts off speech: "Nice hotel. Under budget and ahead of schedule." This is something.
— Sopan Deb (@SopanDeb) September 16, 2016
Trump’s hotel wasn’t actually completed ahead of schedule. https://t.co/OugmRhzsHE
— Philip Bump (@pbump) September 16, 2016
Trump’s campaign had led the national press corps to expect a major announcement, in which he would retract his support for the racist conspiracy theory he has promoted for years, that Barack Obama was not born in the United States, making his presidency illegitimate. That expectation led to wall-to-wall coverage even of Trump’s plane arriving in Washington on Friday.
Um, it is not an "issue," it is a racist lie he has spread for years – try that headline pic.twitter.com/JR5fbU1JoG
— Robert Mackey (@RobertMackey) September 16, 2016
Fox headline at least calls racist conspiracy theory Trump has endorsed for years a "controversy" not an "issue" pic.twitter.com/j3NC1zzaHe
— Robert Mackey (@RobertMackey) September 16, 2016
Instead, Trump promoted the opening of his hotel and then handed over the platform to a stream of retired military officers to praise him in glowing, and incorrect, terms.
“Mr Trump has never failed at anything," medal of honor winner says. Now let’s all go out for a Trump steak at his casino in Atlantic City.
— Tom McCarthy (@TeeMcSee) September 16, 2016
One after the other, reporters for major American news organizations complained on Twitter that Trump had gamed the media, ensuring live coverage of an event that, for at least 20 minutes of speeches by military men singing his praises, looked and sounded like a do-over convention he had staged for himself.
ok maybe we just got rick-rolled into a Trump Hotel commercial.
— Josh Marshall (@joshtpm) September 16, 2016
Once again Trump manages to guarantee live cable coverage of a promotion for his new hotel
— Maggie Haberman (@maggieNYT) September 16, 2016
Can’t believe Donald Trump would perpetrate a scam for his own enrichment it’s so terribly out of character.
— Brian Beutler (@brianbeutler) September 16, 2016
Leveraging five years of birtherism into a branding opportunity for his hotel.
— Eli Stokols (@EliStokols) September 16, 2016
Donald Trump Games The Media:
1. Tease Major Announcement.
2. Get All Cameras on You.
3. Tout Your Hotel / Get Army Vets to Tout You.
— Dylan Byers (@DylanByers) September 16, 2016
Pretty big crowd for Teachout/Sanders in New Paltz. How's the cable news-sponsored Trump infomercial going? pic.twitter.com/6gmIdgwrG0
— daveweigel (@daveweigel) September 16, 2016
But even as the press corps quietly rebelled — venting its spleen on Twitter for their followers to read — the cable networks continued to broadcast the infomercial for Trump and his hotel live to the nation.
If only there were a way to monitor for news without carrying said infomercial live… https://t.co/5Adf9Rj5hO
— Julie Pace (@jpaceDC) September 16, 2016
— Kia Makarechi (@Kia_Mak) September 16, 2016
Reporters knew they were being had, and said so on social networks, but the event continued to stream live on the airwaves in real time, with the carping confined to the safe space of social networks. The press corps stayed in their seats, or glued to their screens, waiting for the big reveal of Trump new position on the long-settled question of where President Obama was born.
There was no way MSM could NOT cover his "press conference" today — no matter HOW many times he's pulled same trick on them. And he knew it
— Billmon (@billmon1) September 16, 2016
When he finally returned, in the closing seconds of the event, Trump used the free air time to lie directly to the American people. “Hillary Clinton, and her campaign of 2008, started the birther controversy,” he said, falsely. “I finished it. I finished it, you know what I mean.”
Trump: “Hillary Clinton and her campaign of 2008 started the birther controversy. I finished it” https://t.co/wvGR7pToXq
— CNN Politics (@CNNPolitics) September 16, 2016
There are two big lies here. First, Clinton and her campaign aides did not start or endorse the anti-Obama smear — it was cooked up by an anti-Semitic Republican crank and spread along the chain email network that gave birth to the Alt Right, as Chris Hayes reported in 2007. Reporters who covered her campaign have attested to that, even as the myth has become an article of faith in the right-wing blogosphere. Second, Trump did not end any controversy by promoting the theory and falsely claiming to have evidence he never obtained.
.@realDonaldTrump the birther arsonist, now says he has put out the fire of hatred he started. Way to play the press.
— Timothy Egan (@nytegan) September 16, 2016
As Buzzfeed has documented, Trump has, in fact, continued to cast doubts on Obama’s birthplace over the past five years, since the president’s long-form birth certificate was released in 2011.
An 'extremely credible source' has called my office and told me that @BarackObama's birth certificate is a fraud.
— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) August 6, 2012
Wake Up America! See article: "Israeli Science: Obama Birth Certificate is a Fake" http://t.co/f7esUdSz
— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) September 13, 2012
How amazing, the State Health Director who verified copies of Obama’s “birth certificate” died in plane crash today. All others lived
— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) December 12, 2013
Attention all hackers: You are hacking everything else so please hack Obama's college records (destroyed?) and check "place of birth"
— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) September 6, 2014
John Harwood of CNBC pointed out that even after he launched his campaign last year, Trump refused to stop pushing the wild claim.
— CNBC (@CNBC) September 16, 2016
At the end of the event, as political bloggers heaped scorn on their colleagues for playing along, the press corps in the hotel was left to shout helplessly for Trump to actually take questions at what was sold as a news conference.
Donald Trump once again urinates on the cable nets, and once again they hold out cups to catch the precious fluids.
— Greg Sargent (@ThePlumLineGS) September 16, 2016
Press is standing on chairs screaming at trump to take questions
— Sam Stein (@samsteinhp) September 16, 2016
After Trump left the room, the ABC News producer Candace Smith, who was designated to follow him on his tour of the new hotel on behalf of her colleagues in the press pool, reported that she was physically restrained from accompanying her camera operator.
So Trump is taking cameras ONLY on a hotel tour.There is no reporter with Trump as he gives "the press" a tour of his brand new hotel.
— Candace Smith (@CandaceSmith_) September 16, 2016
As the designated pool producer; attempted to go on pooled tour, as is customary. Was physically restrained from accompanying the camera.
— Candace Smith (@CandaceSmith_) September 16, 2016
That led to a decision to delete footage of Trump giving his hotel the kind of inspection viewers of North Korean state television would find familiar.
A source says Trump broadcast pool just erased tape of his tour of the hotel in protest of bait-and-switch w no editorial access.
— Maggie Haberman (@maggieNYT) September 16, 2016
Sadly, none of that was stated in the first post-event “fact-checks” provided to cable news viewers on MSNBC and CNN, the two networks that are not pro-Trump. Hosts on both of those channels immediately responded to Trump’s naked lie by saying that it was true that some of Clinton’s supporters in 2008 had suggested Obama was not a natural-born citizen. That, of course, did not make what Trump had just proclaimed to their viewers in any sense true.
A few minutes later, CNN did bring in Jake Tapper to make it clear that no one in Clinton campaign’s had raised Obama’s birth certificate in 2008.
— The Lead CNN (@TheLeadCNN) September 16, 2016
As the Washington Post reporter Dave Weigel noted, Clinton’s former campaign manager, Mark Penn, did suggest in a strategy memo in 2007 that one line of attack against Obama might be to argue that his upbringing in Indonesia suggested that “his roots to basic American values and culture are at best limited.”
A lot of the "Hillary staff started birtherism" crap conflates a strategic discussion with an actual strategy. 1/?
— daveweigel (@daveweigel) September 16, 2016
The Mark Penn memo did not question Obama's citizenship. It speculated that Obama's other-ness might make him less electable than HRC. 2/?
— daveweigel (@daveweigel) September 16, 2016
The Penn memo was not acted on, but that remained the intra-Dem discussion: Can "Barack Hussein Obama" overcome biases? 3/4
— daveweigel (@daveweigel) September 16, 2016
What Trump did was different — asserting that Obama was probably foreign, might be expel-able from WH. 4/4
— daveweigel (@daveweigel) September 16, 2016
The thrust of that internal memo, though, was not to cast doubt Obama’s birthright citizenship, but to suggest that he might not be as electable as Clinton in 2008. Penn’s case was rooted in the idea that a candidate with such a “diverse, multicultural” background could not be elected to the American presidency for decades to come. “Save it for 2050,” Penn wrote.
When the networks got around to hearing from some of the reporters in the room who objected to the con in real-time, the issue of how Trump had bent the news media to his will was finally raised.
“I think objectively the press corps got completely played,” Huffington Post’s Sam Stein told MSNBC, about an hour after Trump’s lie was beamed coast-to-coast.
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Donald Trump’s Friday campaign event in Washington, D.C., at the Trump International Hotel was only the latest of many examples of Trump using his campaign and ability to get attention from the media to pitch his own products and market his own properties and brands.
Friday’s event, which garnered rapt media attention because of the promise of a comment on his birther views, was ostensibly held so the real estate mogul could announce his endorsement by Medal of Honor recipients. But it wasn’t really about that, either. Trump began his remarks by instead bragging about his newly acquired hotel.
“Nice hotel,” he said. “Under budget and ahead of schedule. Isn’t that nice? No, it is a great honor this is a brand new ballroom and you only see a small piece of it. … We’re going to have the opening ceremony in October.”
He continued to promote his new property. “It may be one of the great hotels anywhere in the world,” he boasted. (Trump International Hotel is welcoming guests to the presidential inauguration if they’re willing to spend $500,000 to stay in its penthouse suite.)
All the major cable news networks exposed their viewers to Trump’s show, giving him the opportunity to basically cut a campaign commercial for his own hotel.
Trump’s marketing acumen has been on overt display on many other ostensible campaign events. For example, after winning the Michigan and Mississippi primaries in March, Trump traveled to his Trump National Golf Course in Jupiter, Florida, to hold a press conference.
Not only did Trump hold the event at a property he owns, but he used it to hawk a number of his own products — everything from Trump Steaks to Trump Water and Trump Wine. ABC News even cut a video compiling all of the self-promotion from the event. And by at least one measure, it worked. Google searches for Trump Steaks spiked to their highest record levels that month. It was later discovered that the “Trump Steaks” at the event were not even from Trump’s company.
In late June, Trump decamped from the United States altogether, spending two days in Scotland to promote his golf courses. Despite the fact that this was one day after the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union, Trump’s speech mostly avoided politics and focused on advertising his business. As much of the U.S. and international media carried his remarks live, Trump stood in front of a lighthouse-turned-hotel-suite and marketed his Turnberry golf resort to an array of cameras and reporters.
“We’ve taken that building and made it something really special. Inside that lighthouse right now are incredible suites. … On the bottom you have dining, and golfers will stop and get something to eat,” he said. “A lot of people think this will be the great par 3 anywhere in the world.”
Although Trump has used his campaign to market his properties, foot traffic to his casinos and hotels have been taking a hit. CNBC reports that in July “Trump properties’ share of visits fell 14 percent year over year.”
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A proposal to begin writing new regulations to staunch the flow of money from foreign-owned corporations into U.S. elections is the latest victim of the Federal Election Commission’s chronic deadlock when it comes to anything remotely like a reform measure.
The FEC has six members, and by law no more than three may be from the same political party. The three Republican commissioners have often voted as a block to prevent any additional restrictions on money in politics.
At Thursday’s meeting, the GOP commissioners’ opposition was so categorical they declined even to support beginning the process of writing new FEC regulations to prevent corporations that are wholly-owned by foreign governments from putting unlimited money into the U.S. political process. (They did allow that they might consider such a proposal in the future.)
The main proposal on foreign money discussed at the meeting came from one of the FEC’s Democratic members, Ellen Weintraub, and was intended to address a peculiar loophole created by the 2010 Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision.
U.S. law strictly prohibits “foreign nationals” — a term which includes foreign individuals, corporations and governments — from putting money into the U.S. political process. However, the law also states that any company incorporated in the U.S. is a U.S. national, regardless of its ultimate ownership.
President Obama predicted in his 2010 State of the Union address that — because Citizens United lifted previous bans against corporate involvement in federal elections — it would therefore make it possible for “foreign corporations” to “spend without limit in our elections.”
As evidence that this loophole is in fact being utilized, Weintraub’s proposal cited recent reporting by The Intercept about a California corporation called American Pacific International Capital, or APIC. APIC is owned and controlled by Chinese citizens, and donated $1.3 million to Right to Rise USA, the main Super PAC supporting Jeb Bush’s recent presidential run.
During yesterday’s meeting, Lee Goodman, one of the Republican commissioners, claimed that “both before Citizens United and after Citizens United this commission and the Department of Justice have been fully capable of preventing foreign national involvement.”
The FEC and Justice Department did not investigate APIC’s donations before The Intercept’s reporting.
The three Republican FEC commissioners offered their own proposal, that the FEC issue a statement clarifying that the ban on foreign money in U.S. elections applies to independent expenditures direct from corporate treasuries. The proposal would prevent political committees from facing legal consequences regarding foreign money as long as they obtain a statement from corporate donors that no foreign nationals were involved in the decision to make the contribution.
As evidence that this would be sufficient, FEC commissioner Caroline Hunter noted that her husband manages a political action committee and a friend of her runs the domestic subsidiary of a large foreign corporation, and stated that both of them “follow the rules.”
The Republican proposal was also stymied by a 3-3 deadlock.
Craig Holman, government affairs lobbyist for the public interest organization Public Citizen, argues that the FEC’s current frequent stalemates are due to a 2008 realization by Sen. Mitch McConnell, R.-Ky., that “he could bring the enforcement of campaign finance laws largely to a halt by selecting Republican FEC commissioners hostile to campaign finance laws.” Since that year the number of 3-3 votes has increased enormously.
Thursday’s proceedings, say Holman, suggests that “the Republican commissioners continue to fulfill McConnell’s design: to immobilize the Federal Election Commission.”
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The United States paid over a million euros to the the family of Giovanni Lo Porto, an Italian aid worker killed in a U.S. drone strike in January of last year, according to newly released documents.
The 37-year-old Lo Porto died when CIA drones struck an Al Qaeda compound where he was being held hostage along with Warren Weinstein, an American humanitarian worker. In a rare admission of responsibility, President Barack Obama acknowledged the strike and promised compensation for the families.
The Intercept first reported that the family had reached a settlement with the U.S. government in July. Italian government documents obtained by La Repubblica show that Lo Porto’s mother and father accepted 1.185 million euros (about $1.3 million) as a “donation in the memory” of their son. The document, in which the U.S. government was represented by a diplomat with the embassy in Rome, confirms that Lo Porto died in Pakistan, but includes no admission of wrong-doing by the United States.
The document also states that the agreement does not imply “a waiver of sovereign or personal immunity.” Lawyers for the Lo Porto family had pressed the Italian state prosecutor to consider a criminal case against the United States, while acknowledging that the chances of such a case going forward were slim. They also asked for more information from U.S. agencies about the strike and its aftermath. There is reportedly a CIA Inspector General investigation into the incident; in July, the White House would not comment on the status of the inquiry. It is not known if the Weinstein family has also settled with the government.
The U.S. has in a few instances reportedly paid hundreds of thousands of dollars to the families of civilians killed in attacks in Yemen, but has not publicly acknowledged doing so. Many human rights advocacy groups see a double-standard in the silence of the U.S. government on the cases of non-Westerners who have died.
Earlier this summer, the Obama administration released its own tally of casualties from counterterrorism operations (the estimate of 64 to 116 civilians killed over 7 years is in sharp disagreement with outside estimates, some of which put the civilian death toll as high as 1,000.) The release was accompanied by an executive order requiring U.S. forces to take measures to avoid civilian casualties, investigate instances of civilian harm, and to acknowledge and provide compensation for any civilian victims.
In light of the new order, Amnesty International has asked the CIA to respond to the death of Mamana Bibi, an elderly Pakistani woman killed in 2012. So far, they have received no answer, according to Naureen Shah, director of Amnesty International’s Security with Human Rights program.
In July, a White House spokesperson told The Intercept that they “will not address specific operations.”
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Oliver Stone’s latest film, “Snowden,” bills itself as a dramatized version of the life of Edward Snowden, the NSA whistleblower who revealed the global extent of U.S. surveillance capabilities.
Stone’s rendering of Snowden’s life combines facts with Hollywood invention, covering Snowden being discharged from the military after an injury in basic training, meeting his girlfriend, and training in the CIA with fictitious mentors (including Nicolas Cage’s character, most likely a composite of whistleblowers like Thomas Drake and Bill Binney). Snowden then goes undercover, only to see an op turn ugly; becomes a contractor for the CIA and NSA; and finally chooses to leave the intelligence community and disclose its vast surveillance apparatus, some of which he helped develop.
The movie hits key points in Snowden’s story, including his growing interest in constitutional law and the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, some of the U.S. surveillance programs he eventually unmasked, and parts of his furtive meetings in Hong Kong with Glenn Greenwald and Laura Poitras (co-founders of The Intercept), as well as The Guardian’s Ewen MacAskill.
There are doses of artistic license — for example, a Rubik’s Cube hiding the drive where he stored the documents, and Snowden’s CIA mentor spying on his girlfriend through her webcam. In hazier focus are the global questions his revelations raised, including the legal and moral implications of the U.S. government collecting data on foreigners and Americans with relative impunity, and the very real stories born of Snowden’s massive disclosures.
So here’s a retrospective of sorts for moviegoers and others interested in the journalism Edward Snowden made possible through his decision to become a whistleblower: In all, over 150 articles from 23 news organizations worldwide have incorporated documents provided by Snowden, and The Intercept and other outlets continue to mine the archive for stories of social and political significance.
In the hope that Stone’s movie will spark more widespread interest in the NSA programs Snowden helped bring to light, The Intercept has compiled its stories based on the archive of documents, which can be explored through the chart below.Published Article Code Names 2/14/14 The NSA’s Secret Role in the U.S. Assassination Program GILGAMESH, SHENANIGANS, VICTORYDANCE 2/18/14 Snowden Documents Reveal Covert Surveillance and Pressure Tactics Aimed at WikiLeaks and Its Supporters ANTICRISIS GIRL, TEMPORA, XKEYSCORE 2/24/14 How Covert Agents Infiltrate the Internet to Manipulate, Deceive, and Destroy Reputations 3/7/14 The NSA Has an Advice Columnist. Seriously. 3/12/14 How the NSA Plans to Infect “Millions” of Computers With Malware CAPTIVATEDAUDIENCE, FOGGYBOTTOM, FOXACID, GROK, GUMFISH, HAMMERCHANT, HAMMERSTEIN, QUANTUM, QUANTUMCOPPER, QUANTUMHAND, QUANTUMSKY, SADDLEBACK, SECONDDATE, SOCIALIST, STELLARWIND, TURBINE, TURMOIL, UNITEDRAKE, VALIDATOR, WILLOWVIXEN 3/13/14 Foreign Officials in the Dark About Their Own Spy Agencies’ Cooperation With NSA PRISM, TEMPORA 3/15/14 Compare the NSA’s Facebook Malware Denial to Its Own Secret Documents QUANTUMHAND, QUANTUMTHEORY, TURBINE 3/20/14 Inside the NSA’s Secret Efforts to Hunt and Hack System Administrators QUANTUM 4/4/14 The “Cuban Twitter” Scam Is a Drop in the Internet Propaganda Bucket ROYAL CONCIERGE, SALAMANCA 4/30/14 British Spy Chiefs Secretly Begged to Play in NSA’s Data Pools BLARNEY, GHOSTMACHINE, PRISM, STORMBREW, 5/19/14 Data Pirates of the Caribbean: The NSA Is Recording Every Cellphone Call in the Bahamas MYSTIC, SOMALGET 7/9/14 Meet the Muslim-American Leaders the FBI and NSA Have Been Spying On 7/14/14 Hacking Online Polls and Other Ways British Spies Seek to Control the Internet ANGRY PIRATE, CHANGELING, ELATE, GATEWAY, GESTATOR, IMPERIAL BARGE, PREDATORS FACE, ROLLING THUNDER, SLIPSTREAM, SPRING BISHOP, UNDERPASS 7/23/14 The NSA’s New Partner in Spying: Saudi Arabia’s Brutal State Police 8/3/14 Cash, Weapons, and Surveillance: The U.S. Is a Key Party to Every Israeli Attack YESTERNIGHT 8/5/14 NPR Is Laundering CIA Talking Points to Make You Scared of NSA Reporting 8/25/14 ICREACH: How the NSA Built Its Own Secret Google CRISSCROSS, GLOBALREACH, ICREACH, PROTON, 9/14/14 The NSA and GCHQ Campaign Against German Satellite Companies TREASURE MAP 9/15/14 New Zealand Launched Mass Surveillance Project While Publicly Denying It SPEARGUN, XKEYSCORE 10/10/14 Core Secrets: NSA Saboteurs in China and Germany SENTRYCONDOR, SENTRYEAGLE, SENTRYHAWK, SENTRYOSPREY, SENTRYRAVEN 12/4/14 Operation AURORAGOLD: How the NSA Hacks Cellphone Networks Worldwide AURORAGOLD, OPULANT PUP, WOLFRAMITE 12/13/14 Operation Socialist: How GCHQ Spies Hacked Belgium’s Largest Telco HACIENDA, HOPSCOTCH, LEGSPIN, NOCTURNAL SURGE, STELLARWIND, SOCIALIST 2/4/15 Western Spy Agencies Secretly Rely on Hackers for Intel and Expertise INTOLERANT, LOVELY HORSE 2/10/15 NSA Claims Iran Learned From Western Cyberattacks 2/19/15 The Great SIM Heist: How Spies Stole the Keys to the Encryption Castle DAPINO GAMMA, HIGHLAND FLING, XKEYSCORE 3/10/15 iSpy: The CIA Campaign to Steal Apple’s Secrets DREAMY SMURF, NOSEY SMURF, PARANOID SMURF, TRACKER SMURF, WARRIORPRIDE 4/2/15 Britain Used Spy Team to Shape Latin American Public Opinion on Falklands QUITO 5/5/15 The Computers Are Listening: How the NSA Converts Spoken Words Into Searchable Text RHINEHART 5/11/15 The Computers Are Listening: Speech Recognition Is NSA’s Best-Kept Open Secret 6/8/15 The Computers Are Listening: NSA Won’t Say If It Automatically Transcribes American Phone Calls In Bulk PRISM, UPSTREAM 5/8/15 U.S. Government Labeled Al Jazeera Journalist as Al Qaeda SKYNET 5/18/15 Snowden Files Give New Details on Osama Bin Laden Raid 5/21/15 The NSA Plan to Find Bin Laden by Hiding Tracking Devices in Medical Supplies 5/28/15 Inside NSA, Officials Privately Criticize “Collect It All” Surveillance 6/22/15 Controversial GCHQ Unit Engaged in Domestic Law Enforcement, Online Propaganda, Psychology Research 6/22/15 Popular Security Software Came Under Relentless NSA and GCHQ Attacks CAMBERDADA, PRISM 6/22/15 Spies Hacked Computers Thanks to Sweeping Secret Warrants, Aggressively Stretching U.K. Law 6/26/15 How the NSA Started Investigating the New York Times’s Warrantless Wiretapping Story 7/1/15 XKEYSCORE: NSA’s Google for the World’s Private Communications BADASS, NUCLEON, XKEYSCORE 7/15/15 Israeli Special Forces Assassinated Senior Syrian Official 8/3/15 GCHQ and Me: My Life Unmasking British Eavesdroppers CARBOY, FROSTING, ECHELON, SHAMROCK, SOUNDER, TRANSIENT 8/11/15 The Philosopher of Surveillance: What Happens When a Failed Writer Becomes a Loyal Spy? 9/25/15 From Radio to Porn, British Spies Track Web Users’ Online Identities BLACKHOLE, INFINITE MONKEYS, KARMA POLICE, MARBLED GECKO, MEMORY HOLE, MUTANT BROTH, SAMUEL PEPYS, SOCIAL ANTHROPOID, TEMPORA, XKEYSCORE 9/28/15 Did a Rogue NSA Operation Cause the Death of a Greek Telecom Employee? SENTRYOWL 11/18/15 Overwhelmed NSA Surprised to Discover Its Own Surveillance “Goldmine” on Venezuela’s Oil Executives CADENCE, PINWALE 1/28/16 Israeli Drone Feeds Hacked by British and American Intelligence ANARCHIST 5/16/16 NSA Closely Involved in Guantánamo Interrogations, Documents Show 6/7/16 Facing Data Deluge, Secret U.K. Spying Report Warned of Intelligence Failure MILKWHITE, PRESTON 6/28/16 The Hunter: He Was a Hacker for the NSA and He Was Willing to Talk. I Was Willing to Listen 8/15/16 In Bungled Spying Operation, NSA Targeted Pro-Democracy Campaigner PRISM 8/19/16 The NSA Leak Is Real, Snowden Documents Confirm BADDECISION, BLINDDATE, ELIGIBLE BOMBSHELL, FOXACID, MAGICBEAN, MAGIC SQUIRREL, NIGHTSTAND, POLARSNEEZE, SECONDDATE, TURBINE 9/6/16 Inside Menwith Hill: The NSA’s British Base at the Heart of U.S. Targeted Killing GHOSTHUNTER, GHOSTWOLF
Since the first revelations from Snowden were published in Glenn Greenwald’s June 6, 2013, Guardian article, “NSA Collecting Phone Records of Millions of Verizon Customers Daily,” nearly 1,200 documents from Snowden’s disclosures have been released to the public. These include fragments of the “black budget,” a secret document presented to Congress by intelligence agencies, images hacked from drone feeds, and PowerPoint presentations that painstakingly detail the technology behind the NSA’s surveillance efforts.
The Intercept and other outlets have reported extensively on some of the major technical programs mentioned during the film — PRISM and Upstream, both authorized under Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. PRISM vacuums up hundreds of millions of internet communications every day from the people it “targets,” and those they communicate with — as well as some irrelevant communications it picks up “incidentally” because of the way the technology works. It’s unclear how many of those communications belong to Americans. Upstream gathers communications while they’re traveling through the cables of the internet — voice, text, and more. In the movie, Snowden gets a glimpse at these programs while going undercover for the CIA.
When Snowden shares a map with a few of his colleagues displaying data on surveillance conducted within different countries, the film is likely nodding toward a program called Boundless Informant — another one of the first Snowden stories reported by Greenwald and MacAskill. The NSA denied at the time that it could determine with absolute certainty “the identity or location” of all the communications it collected — but the program gave it a general sense of the volume of information it got from each country, appearing like a sort of heat map. The U.S. was not, like the movie suggests, the country where the NSA collected the most information; there were many more intercepts from Iran, at least during the time period reported on by The Guardian.
The Intercept debuted its Snowden coverage with a February 10, 2014, article by Jeremy Scahill and Glenn Greenwald titled “The NSA’s Secret Role in the U.S. Assassination Program.” Since then, we have published at least 50 other pieces based on documents from the Snowden archive.
In July 2015, The Intercept delved into one of the NSA’s central programs, also mentioned in the film, called XKeyscore. The program runs like a search engine that helps NSA detect, analyze, and extract information from the massive amounts of communications and online information it collects every day through various filters. Otherwise, the sheer volume of information would be overwhelming.
The agency’s use of cellphone and computer hacking for surveillance has been a recurring theme in The Intercept’s reporting on the Snowden documents. In May 2015, Jeremy Scahill and Josh Begley uncovered the CIA and NSA’s joint mission to crack the security of popular consumer products, including Apple’s notoriously secure iPhone. In the movie, Snowden covers his laptop’s webcam, which he knows the NSA is capable of exploiting through a program called QUANTUM. In reality, the NSA has developed malware implants potentially capable of infecting millions of targeted computers covertly, and automated some of the processes involved in the attacks, as Ryan Gallagher and Glenn Greenwald reported in March 2014.
Many news stories from the Snowden archive involve foreign surveillance and the NSA’s partnerships with intelligence agencies from other countries, a subject the Snowden film barely touches — for example, never mentioning the NSA’s close relationship to the British spy agency Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ); its partnership with countries like Saudi Arabia; or foreign officials’ lack of understanding about their own spies’ connections to the NSA. The film’s only nod to foreign intelligence occurs when Snowden passes off a special microchip to MacAskill, suggesting it might help him learn more about British spying.
The NSA is obviously more than its technical programs and tools. Stone conjures up Snowden’s friends and colleagues at the spy agencies, including T-shirt-wearing hackers, super genius engineers, and domineering bosses. The Intercept’s Peter Maass has written about the human side of the agency, including its resident advice columnist, who went by “Zelda” and answered questions about things like kitchen etiquette and gossip, as well as a columnist with literary ambitions who called himself “the SIGINT Philosopher.”
Ultimately, the movie reflects Stone’s image of the life of an NSA contract employee. For a real window into the agency, there may be no better resource than the NSA’s own documents. In May 2016, The Intercept began the first concerted effort to make large portions of the Snowden archive available to the public with the release of a set of SIDtoday newsletters, the internal news organ of the Signals Intelligence Directorate at the NSA. The batch releases are ongoing and will likely constitute one of the largest single collections of NSA files.
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The post New Film Tells the Story of Edward Snowden; Here Are the Surveillance Programs He Helped Expose appeared first on The Intercept.
A luta contra a legalização da maconha vem sendo fortemente bancada pela setor farmacêutico e de bebidas alcoólicas, que temem possíveis perda de mercado para a erva.
Logo após um dossiê publicado na semana passada, que mostrava a fabricante de cannabis sintética financiando a oposição à legalização da maconha no Arizona, foi revelado nesta semana que um fabricante de cerveja fez uma das maiores doações recebidas por uma organização contra a legalização em Massachusetts.
A empresa Beer Distributors PAC, afiliada que representa 16 distribuidoras de cerveja em Massachusetts, ofereceu US$ 25 mil para a Campaign for a Safe and Healthy Massachusetts (Campanha por uma Massachusetts Segura e Saudável), fazendo da empresa a terceira maior doadora da organização contra a maconha.
O presidente da Beer Distributors of Massachusetts, William A. Kelley, preferiu não comentar a reportagem, mas sua organização não está sozinha na oposição à legalização dentro do setor de bebidas alcoólicas.
No Arizona, um dos cinco estados que passarão por referendos de legalização em novembro, a Arizona Wine and Spirits Wholesale Association (Associação de Vinho e Bebidas Alcoólicas no Atacado) doou US$ 10 mil para um grupo contra a legalização. Na última vez que a Califórnia considerou a legalização da maconha, em 2010, outro grupo de distribuição de bebidas alcoólicas financiou uma campanha para derrotar a legalização apoiada por agências de segurança.
No entanto, a indústria de bebidas alcoólicas não está completamente unificada em torno na política de liberação da maconha. Diversas empresas de cervejas artesanais apoiam leis que reduzem a restrição à erva.
Dossiês da Comissão de Valores Mobiliários (SEC, da sigla em inglês) mostram que grandes empresas do setor de bebidas alcoólicas revelaram a seus investidores que a maconha pode representar prejuízos aos seus resultados financeiros.
A empresa controladora da Sam Adams, Boston Beer Company, declarou a seus investidores através do formulário 10-K de desempenho financeiro que as leis que permitiriam a “venda e distribuição de maconha” podem “ter um impacto negativo na demanda” por cerveja.
O fabricante do uísque Jack Daniel’s e da vodka Finlandia, a empresa Brown-Forman, também fez um alerta em seu formulário 10-K de desempenho financeiro de que “as preferências e aquisições de clientes podem ser alteradas por diversos fatores, muitos dos quais são difíceis de prever, incluindo (…) a possível legalização de um uso mais amplo da maconha nos EUA e mudanças nas tendências de viagem, lazer, gastronomia, entretenimento e bebidas”.
As pesquisas divergem a respeito do impacto da legalização da maconha sobre hábitos de consumo. O professor de economia da Universidade do Colorado, no Denver, Daniel Rees, alegou que consumidores devem substituir o álcool pela maconha se tiverem a oportunidade de fazê-lo. Mas a receita tributária no Colorado, estado que legalizou a maconha em 2012, sugere que os consumidores de maconha continuaram a comprar bebidas alcoólicas praticamente da mesma forma que antes da legalização.
O CEO da Brown-Forman, Paul Varga, em agosto de 2014, contou a investidores durante uma conferência telefônica sobre assuntos financeiros que a legalização da maconha vinha surgindo como uma “grande ameaça”. Mas, quatro meses depois, em outra conversa com investidores, Varga voltou atrás. “Eu não diria que a questão da legalização da maconha está me tirando o sono”, contradisse. “Mas estou prestando atenção.”
Traduzido por Inacio Vieira
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The largest prison strike in U.S. history has been going on for nearly a week, but there’s a good chance you haven’t heard about it. For months, inmates at dozens of prisons across the country have been organizing through a network of smuggled cellphones, social media pages, and the support of allies on the outside. The effort culminated in a mass refusal to report to prison jobs on September 9, the anniversary of the 1971 Attica prison uprising.
“This is a call to action against slavery in America,” organizers wrote in an announcement that for weeks circulated inside and outside prisons nationwide, and that sums up the strikers’ primary demand: an end to free prison labor. “Forty-five years after Attica, the waves of change are returning to America’s prisons. This September we hope to coordinate and generalize these protests, to build them into a single tidal shift that the American prison system cannot ignore or withstand.”
Since Friday, details on the strike’s success have trickled out of prisons with some difficulty, but organizers and supporters have no doubt the scale of the action is unprecedented, though their assessment is difficult to verify and some corrections departments denied reports of strike-related activities in their states.
Prisoners in 24 states and 40 to 50 prisons pledged to join the strike, and as of Tuesday, prisoners in at least 11 states and 20 prisons continued the protest, according to outside supporters in Alabama. Tactics and specific demands varied locally, with some prisoners reportedly staging hunger strikes, and detainees in Florida protesting and destroying prison property ahead of the planned strike date.
“There are probably 20,000 prisoners on strike right now, at least, which is the biggest prison strike in history, but the information is really sketchy and spotty,” said Ben Turk, who works on “in-reach” to prisons for the Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee, a chapter of the International Workers of the World union helping to coordinate the inmate-led initiative from the outside.
Small rallies and demonstrations in support of the strikers were staged in dozens of U.S. cities and a couple of foreign countries, but so far the coordinated strike remains largely ignored on the outside.
“The strike has been pulled off, but we’re not quite breaking through to getting mainstream media,” Turk told The Intercept, noting that the strike was widely covered by independent media. “I talk to people who aren’t in that milieu and aren’t seeing it on their social media, and they’ll be like, ‘We didn’t hear about it, there’s nothing about it anywhere.’”
That’s bad news for the strikers, who rely on the support of outsiders to push for more radical reform but also depend on their outside visibility to mitigate retaliation by prison officials.
The information blackout is largely due to prison officials’ ample discretion in the details they choose to disclose. As the strikes began, reports emerged of several facilities being put on lockdown, some preemptively, but the only way for outsiders to get updates would be to call each facility and ask, usually getting no explanation about the reasons for a lockdown. Reports also emerged claiming that prison leaders in Virginia, Ohio, California, and South Carolina were put in solitary confinement as a result of the strike, according to the Alabama supporters.
The Alabama Department of Corrections did not respond to a request for comment, while corrections departments in Virginia, Ohio, and California — three of the states where strike-related disturbances were tracked by outsiders — denied that inmates in those states participated in the strike.
A spokesperson for the Florida Department of Corrections said that prisons there had resumed normal operations after several hundred inmates staged protests and work stoppages at four facilities. The spokesperson added that several inmates identified in the disturbances were transferred to other regional institutions and will be disciplined “in accordance with procedure.” At the Kinross Correctional Facility in Michigan, some 150 prisoners identified as “ringleaders” of the protests were also removed to other facilities after prisoners assigned to kitchen work declined to report to their jobs on September 9 and some 400 prisoners staged a peaceful protest. The situation there grew more tense a day later when prison guards went through the facility to remove suspected leaders, the Wall Street Journal reported, and the prison remains on lockdown.
Retaliation against strikers is also hard to track, but outside advocates said that several leaders were put in isolation and denied communication privileges, making it even harder for information to come out.
In one instance, at the Ohio State Penitentiary, Siddique Hasan, a well-known prison activist sentenced to death for his role in a 1993 prison uprising, was accused of plotting to “blow up buildings” on September 9. Hasan, an organizer with the Free Ohio Movement, was confined to isolation and denied access to the phone for nearly a month before the strike — a deliberate effort to prevent him from communicating with the outside about it, supporters said.
“What people have to realize is that these men and women inside prison — they expected to be retaliated against, but they sacrificed,” said Pastor Kenneth Glasgow, a former prisoner and a supporter of the Free Alabama Movement, the prisoner-led group that first called for the nationwide strike.
“People on the outside are not understanding they are being bamboozled,” he added, expressing disappointment that the strike hadn’t garnered more attention. “A lot of people are not realizing the value in what’s going on, they don’t realize that it’s slavery, that slavery still exists.”
While the most ambitious to date, the September 9 strike was hardly the first such effort by prisoners. Prison protests have been on the rise in recent years, following a 2010 strike during which thousands of prisoners in Georgia refused to work, an action that was followed by others in Illinois, Virginia, North Carolina, and Washington. In 2013, California prisoners coordinated a hunger strike against the use of solitary confinement that at its peak involved 30,000 prisoners. And this year, prisoners rioted at Holman prison in Alabama — one of the facilities most actively involved in the current strike — and went on strike in Texas.
Across the country, inmates are protesting a wide range of issues: from harsh parole systems and three-strike laws to the lack of educational services, medical neglect, and overcrowding. But the issue that has unified protesters is that of prison labor — a $2 billion a year industry that employs nearly 900,000 prisoners while paying them a few cents an hour in some states, and nothing at all in others. In addition to work for private companies, prisoners also cook, clean, and work on maintenance and construction in the prisons themselves — forcing officials to pay staff to carry out those tasks in response to work stoppages. “They cannot run these facilities without us,” organizers wrote ahead of the strike. “We will not only demand the end to prison slavery, we will end it ourselves by ceasing to be slaves.”
Prisoners on strike are calling for the repeal of an exception listed in the 13th Amendment to the United States Constitution, which bans “involuntary servitude” in addition to slavery, “except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.”
That forced labor remains legal in prison is unknown to many Americans, and that’s something strikers hope to change with this action. But it’s also a sign of how little the general public knows about the country’s massive prison system. “A nation that imprisons 1 percent of its population has an obligation to know what’s happening to those 2.4 million people,” Ethan Zuckerman, director of the Center for Civic Media at MIT, wrote in a blog post about the tepid response to the strike. “And right now, we don’t know.”
But while information on prisons is notoriously hard to obtain, a potentially larger problem for the striking prisoners is the seemingly limited interest in their plight, which remains confined to a few activists, family members, and formerly incarcerated people, even at a time when criminal justice issues and prison reform are high on the agenda of social justice advocates and politicians alike.
Prisoners themselves have been largely excluded from the last few years’ debate on mass incarceration, but the very fact that they were able to coordinate a collective protest of this scale, with all its limitations, is testimony to their determination that the prison system needs radical change, strike organizers say.
“When you have people who are inside, locked up, who have overcome all these obstacles and barriers and have organized in 24 states, 40 to 50 prisons,” said Glasgow, “that means all of us out here need to start stepping up.”
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The House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence urged President Barack Obama on Thursday not to pardon Edward Snowden, concluding in an unclassified summary of a two-year investigation that the former NSA contractor was “not a whistleblower”—echoing what White House Press Secretary Josh Earnest said during a press briefing earlier in the week.
“Edward Snowden is no hero – he’s a traitor who willfully betrayed his colleagues and his country. He put our service members and the American people at risk after perceived slights by his superiors,” said Chairman Devin Nunes, R-Calif., in a statement about the report on Snowden’s disclosure of documents on NSA worldwide surveillance programs.
The entire panel — Democrats and Republicans alike — signed a letter sent directly to the president, asserting that Snowden is “not a patriot.” The unclassified summary of the report, disclosed alongside the letter, is just three pages long; the classified version is 36 pages with 230 footnotes.
The summary was released one day before the premiere of Oliver Stone’s movie about the NSA whistleblower.
The committee shared five conclusions, which it says were formed from speaking with “key individuals with knowledge of Snowden’s background and actions.” While the report ostensibly reveals some new information, several of its claims have been quickly challenged as misleading, dishonest, or opinion.
Among what is likely to be the report’s more controversial claims is the assertion that Snowden took some 1.5 million documents. The committee determined that his disclosures led to the loss of intelligence “that had saved American lives” and cost the country billions of dollars, but it doesn’t cite evidence of specific damages in the unclassified summary.
The majority of the documents, the authors also argue, “have nothing to do with programs impacting individual privacy interests.”
Ben Wizner, Edward Snowden’s lawyer at the American Civil Liberties Union, argues the committee’s calculation of how many documents Snowden took is actually a vast overestimate, judging from how many documents they think he may have had access to. “The assertion that he took 1.5 million documents is nonsensical,” he told The Intercept during a phone interview.
Moreover, to claim the documents he did disclose aren’t “mostly about surveillance is bad faith on top of bad faith,” he said.
The committee also asserts that Snowden may not have been familiar with all the privacy protections baked into the intelligence collection programs, because he failed a test about Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act—a program up for reauthorization in 2017.
The report does not cite which parts of the test Snowden got wrong.
The report also fails to acknowledge the substantial changes that have taken place as a result of Snowden’s disclosures, including a global debate about domestic and foreign surveillance, the death of Section 215 bulk collection, which was ruled illegal, and increased transparency requirements for the entire intelligence community.
The report also attempts to attack Snowden’s personal credibility. According to the investigation, Snowden in mid-2012 had a “fiery email argument ” with a supervisor, for which he was reprimanded. Then, two weeks later—eight months before the director of national intelligence testified falsely that the NSA does not collect information on Americans—he started downloading documents.
However, Snowden tweeted that the reason he downloaded documents was for a program called HEARTBEAT—which appears in Stone’s Snowden film, though hasn’t been reported on widely before. Snowden concluded that was where the figure of 1.5 million documents came from—though that program was authorized by management, he wrote in a tweet.
The committee cites a member of the Russian parliament who claimed that Snowden shared intelligence with the Kremlin, although that official actually prefaced his statement with “I think”—something Snowden noted on Twitter following the report’s release.
Snowden has maintained his assertion that he can no longer access any of the files he took.
While cautioning that he wasn’t representing the official position of the government, Chris Inglis, former deputy director of the NSA, said that it “doesn’t seem to me that a destination of China or Russia would be preferred…I don’t think that he was in the employ of the Chinese or the Russians.”
The committee also concluded that Snowden failed to raise his concerns internally before leaking the information, and thus could not claim whistleblower protections. The committee revealed that it regularly receives complaints from contractors to under the Intelligence Community Whistleblower Protection Act of 1998.
However, the intelligence community’s top lawyer, Bob Litt, said himself last November that those protections are “complicated”, and that “the government doesn’t straight out have the authority to say whether that person can be fired.”
According to the investigation, Snowden exaggerated his experience and his level of access to classified files—and instead was able to access the information he took through his coworkers’ credentials and systems.
The report appears designed to directly refute some plot points in Stone’s movie, such as Snowden leaving the army after breaking his legs. Snowden “washed out,” the authors wrote, due to shin splits.
The committee notes he never obtained a high school degree, and claims he lied about being a “senior advisor” at CIA while actually working as a lower computer technician. The authors of the report accuse him of “stealing the answers” to a test employees take before entering the NSA.
Snowden began to directly respond to the report’s personal characterizations of him as a “serial exaggerator and fabricator” on Twitter.
Army held me for weeks in a special unit for convalescence before separation. I left on crutches. They don't do that for "shin splints."
— Edward Snowden (@Snowden) September 15, 2016
It’s unclear whether every member of the committee agreed with all of the report’s conclusions. “I can’t comment on discussions that take place in a classified setting,” Jack Langer, Chairman Nunes’ press secretary, wrote in an email.
The investigation’s conclusion, which coincided closely with the release of Oliver Stone’s new film, frustrated Snowden’s attorney, Wizner. In the movie, Snowden, played by Joseph Gordon Levitt, is portrayed as a patriotic American who grew disillusioned from his years working within the intelligence community.
“You wonder why Americans are cynical about the government,”Wizner said. “Who knew the [intelligence community] was so afraid of Joseph Gordon Levitt.”
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by Jens Berger
Seit rund fünfzehn Jahren führt die NATO Krieg in Afghanistan. Dieser Krieg scheint nicht zu enden. Stattdessen wird das Ende der „Demokratisierungsmission“ stets aufgeschoben. Doch auch nach all den Jahren der Zerstörung lassen sich am Hindukusch weder Freiheit noch Demokratie finden. Stattdessen werden immer mehr Tote beklagt und immer mehr Flüchtlinge produziert. Von Emran Feroz.
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Chiles Streitkräfte – Mit deutscher Hilfe, von der Pinochet-Diktatur zum Akteur militärischer Spannungen in Südamerika
by Jens Berger
An 9/11, also am 11. September, wurden nicht nur 2001 in den USA die Terroranschläge ausgeführt, die heute mit diesem Namen verbunden werden. Vor 43 Jahren wurde in Chile Salvador Allende mit Unterstützung der CIA von einer Schar rechtsgerichteten Militärs unter Augusto Pinochet umgebracht. Was folgte waren nicht nur 17 Jahre Diktatur, sondern auch eine expansive Rüstungspolitik, die bis heute anhält. Die finanzielle Grundlage dafür ist ein sogenannter Kupferfonds – zehn Prozent vom Umsatz des staatlichen Kuperförderers Codelco gehen in Chile direkt in den Rüstungsetat, wie Frederico Füllgraf exklusiv für die NachDenkSeiten aus Südamerika zu berichten weiß.
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